The Ghost of Phou Pha Lang

Hmongstory Legacy • May 27, 2025

A-26 Navigator's Unforgettable Encounter with Tallman,

the Hmong Hero of Laos

Tallman

In the hushed, undeclared war fought over the unforgiving highlands and deep jungles of Laos during the Vietnam War, an old warrior was given new teeth. The Douglas A-26 Invader, a twin-engine attack bomber forged in the crucible of World War II, was resurrected and fiercely reborn as the A-26A Nimrod.


From 1966 to 1969, these formidable aircraft, flown by dedicated Air Commando crews, became a sharp instrument in the desperate effort to stem the flow of men and materiel down the Ho Chi Minh Trail. This was no conventional air campaign; it was a highly specialized, often nocturnal, battle of wits and firepower waged against a tenacious and ghost-like enemy.


The journey of the A-26 to its "Nimrod" call sign above Southeast Asia was a long and storied one. It had first tasted combat in the closing years of World War II, quickly lauded as a potent light attack bomber. After the war, it remained a stalwart of the U.S. Air Force's light bombardment squadrons. A notable designation change occurred in 1948: after the Martin B-26 Marauder was retired, the Douglas A-26 Invader was re-designated the B-26B to prevent confusion. In this new guise, it saw extensive action during the Korean War, primarily mastering the challenging night interdiction role, flying over 12,000 sorties.


The early 1960s saw the B-26 find a new calling in the shadowy world of special operations, including early, discreet missions in Southeast Asia. However, the demanding operational environment and the relentless stress of combat took their toll on the aging airframes. A critical structural issue emerged: wing spar fatigue, dangerously exacerbated by heavy ordnance loads and the punishing impact of operations from rough, often makeshift, airstrips. A series of tragic, fatal crashes attributed to wing failure in 1963 and early 1964 necessitated the withdrawal of the existing B-26s from combat in the region.


Yet, the unique capabilities of the airframe—its endurance, payload, and inherent toughness—were too valuable to abandon. In 1963, even as the older models faced their operational nadir, the Air Force contracted On Mark Engineering Company to undertake a comprehensive rebuild and modification program. This was no mere refurbishment; it was a radical transformation. The resulting aircraft, initially designated B-26K, featured completely redesigned and significantly strengthened wings, powerful Pratt & Whitney R-2800-52W water-injected engines providing a surge of new power, permanent wingtip fuel tanks for extended reach, eight hardpoints under the wings for a versatile weapons load, a standardized nose bristling with eight .50 caliber machine guns, and an updated cockpit with improved avionics.


When these revitalized machines were deployed to Southeast Asia for Operation Big Eagle in June 1966, the designation was officially changed again, this time to A-26A. There were two compelling reasons for this: first, the extensive On Mark modifications had effectively reconfigured the aircraft as a dedicated attack weapon system, making the 'A' (for Attack) prefix more accurately descriptive of its intended role than 'B' (for Bomber).


A Headquarters Air Force memorandum from March 29, 1965, supported this reclassification. Second, a sensitive diplomatic agreement with the government of Thailand prohibited the basing of "bombers" on Thai soil. As the A-26As were to be stationed at Nakhon Phanom RTAFB in Thailand, the 'A' designation deftly navigated this political constraint. Once in theater, the pilots adopted "Nimrod" as their radio call sign, a name that quickly became the aircraft's evocative and widely recognized moniker.


It was into this intense, demanding chapter that Major Frank Hayes (Ret.), then a young navigator, found himself immersed. In 1966, he was part of Operation Big Eagle. His Air Commando unit was already seasoned, having flown the A-26 in various capacities for years. In the fall of 1966, their operations gained a critical new dimension as they began direct coordination with General Vang Pao’s Hmong forces, tapping into his invaluable intelligence network. This crucial collaboration brought American aircrews into contact with remarkable, brave individuals on the ground, none more indelibly etched in memory, perhaps, than the man known by the callsign: Tallman.


Tallman’s true name was Moua Choung. Unusually tall for a Hmong, the callsign was a fitting descriptor. He had learned English from missionary workers, a skill whose origins were a quiet mystery at the time, but which enabled him to become an irreplaceable bridge between cultures and fighting forces. Recommended by General Vang Pao himself, Moua Choung was the very first Hmong Forward Air Guide. His connections were deep; he was a trusted friend and translator for Edgar "Pop" Buell when the legendary American aid worker first set foot in Laos. Moua Choung established a vital, clandestine base on a formidable mountain called Phou Pha Lang, just south of Sam Neua city—so perilously close to enemy territory that on a clear day, one could glimpse the Sam Neua valley from its summit. From this precarious outpost, he orchestrated his road watch teams – small, daring groups of men who monitored enemy truck traffic along the vital arteries of routes 6 and 7. Initially, their reports detailed numbers and movements; later, their role escalated to the high-stakes task of calling in air strikes. The intelligence that flowed from Tallman's network was described by observer Ernest Kuhn as nothing short of "tremendous."

Pop & Tallman

His mountain base, however, inadvertently became a magnet for local villagers, a sanctuary for those desperate to escape communist control. They began flocking to Phou Pha Lang, and this growing civilian presence, while understandable, threatened the operational secrecy vital to Moua Choung’s intelligence work. It was a delicate, complex situation that American personnel, including CIA case officers and AID workers like Kuhn, attempted to manage, gently assisting civilians to move to safer areas so as not to overburden or compromise Moua Choung’s critical mission.


It was against this backdrop of relentless danger, high-stakes intelligence, and profound human complexities that Major Hayes experienced his unforgettable encounter with Tallman. "This was our first mission using Tallman," Major Hayes recounts, the memory cutting through the intervening decades with crystalline clarity. As the navigator, Hayes was the voice connecting the A-26A to the ground. For at least an hour that night, the fate of his aircraft and its mission was inextricably linked to Tallman's calm, steady instructions relayed over the FM radio. "I asked if he had any information on the position of enemy AAA and any truck traffic. Trucks were our primary target."


Tallman’s reply was unhesitating and direct: "He said he would direct us, so we followed his instructions." What unfolded was a remarkable demonstration of trust and unconventional guidance, a disembodied voice leading them with uncanny precision through the black, mountainous expanse. "His directions went like this, 'my man say you head north'." And north they flew, into the unknown. After intervals of five, ten, sometimes fifteen minutes, a new instruction would pierce the static: "my man say head west." This tense ballet continued for perhaps 45 minutes, the A-26A venturing deeper and deeper into the Laotian upcountry, its flight path dictated by the whispers from Tallman’s unseen, courageous operatives on the unforgiving ground below.


Then, the sharp intake of breath, the moment of imminent action. "After some time, he called and said, 'my man say you over truck'."



The A-26A unleashed its parachute flares. "One flare ignited in the trees and the other over a road in a valley, and smack over a truck," Hayes recalls. But the enemy was swift. The truck driver, reacting with desperate speed, "took off and went into a village a few klicks away."


Hayes relayed the frustrating development to Tallman: they had found the truck, but it had vanished into the sanctuary of a village. Tallman’s response was chilling in its precision: "my man say, 'the truck is under the second house from the east on the north side of the road'."


Despite the startling accuracy of the intelligence, the A-26A crew made the difficult but ethically sound decision. "I replied, 'Thanks, but we won't strike it in the village'."


The reply that came back from Tallman, relaying his operative's sentiment, resonated with a quiet, profound gravity: "my man say thank you, his house." The faceless informant on the ground, Tallman’s “man,” with a courage that defies easy comprehension, had pinpointed the enemy vehicle even though it meant identifying his own home as the collateral, the potential sacrifice.

Douglas A-26 Invader

But Tallman’s work for the night was not yet done. He then directed the A-26A west, guiding them toward another target using an ingenious sequence of friendly ground fires, small beacons of resistance in a vast, hostile darkness.


The extraordinary skill and profound bravery Major Hayes witnessed that night were hallmarks of Moua Choung. But Tallman's invaluable contributions to the war effort were to be tragically, and abruptly, silenced.


In the first week of December 1966, a loss that reverberated deeply through the American and Hmong operations in northern Laos occurred. Moua Choung was returning up the treacherous slopes to his headquarters on Phou Pha Lang with his team. The day was cloaked in a disorienting fog and chilling rain. As they ascended the familiar trail, they were attacked – ambushed, or perhaps, in a cruel twist of fate, mistakenly identified as the enemy. Moua Choung was killed.


The official account from the Hmong men positioned on the mountain peak was one of tragic error: they claimed they hadn’t recognized Moua Choung and his team in the poor visibility, believing them to be an enemy force probing their defenses, and had opened fire without confirming their identity. Two or three Hmong who bore some responsibility were brought back to Sam Thong. Upon their arrival, according to Ernest Kuhn, raw grief and anger erupted as mobs descended upon them, beating them brutally until military police managed to intervene and pull them away.


They were reportedly imprisoned for several months and then quietly released; definitive proof of a deliberate assassination, amidst the fog of war and local complexities, could not be established. However, Kuhn also noted that Long Chieng and Sam Thong were cauldrons of rumor and suspicion, rife with whispers of internal power struggles, simmering clan rivalries, and clandestine plots. Moua Choung was becoming an increasingly popular and influential figure, and his death under such opaque and violent circumstances only fed the theories of deadly intrigue.


Despite the shadows clinging to the circumstances of his death, Moua Choung's immense service and sacrifice were not, and would not be, forgotten. He was posthumously awarded the Legion of Merit, a testament to his exceptional contributions. The medal was presented to his widow, Maisee Vue, by the then U.S. Ambassador to Laos, William H. Sullivan, at Long Cheng, a moment of solemn recognition. In a final, poignant salute from the skies he had helped to make safer for friendly forces, the U.S. Air Force flew a missing man formation in his honor.

Major Hayes often shares his Tallman story when he speaks to students, using the film Gran Torino as a powerful analogy to bridge the cultural and historical distance. He explains how Clint Eastwood's character in the film comes to understand and respect his Hmong neighbors, learning of their history as steadfast allies of the Americans—a history unknown to so many. Knowing the full, heartbreaking story of Moua Choung – his dedicated service, his quiet bravery, his profound impact, and his untimely, tragic end – lends an even deeper layer of meaning and sorrow to Major Hayes' vivid account. Tallman, the calm voice on the radio, the first Hmong Forward Air Guide, was more than an asset; he was a hero. His courage resonated from the mist-shrouded mountain tops of Laos to the cramped cockpits of the A-26As slicing through the darkness, an unforgettable man who played a crucial, perilous, and ultimately heartbreaking role in a war fought in shadows.

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The Hmong, in turn, sold or exchanged their opium to these caravanners so that growers had no need to travel anywhere to sell their opium. For this reason, Hmong who migrated to Laos from China often settled along these trading routes. In fact, there are stories about young Hmong men (e.g. Touby Lyfoung’s grand-father) who migrated south, while serving as porters for Chinese traders. After making Laos a “protectorate” of France in October 1893, the French levied a head tax (se taub hau neeg) on all male residents of the country, ages between 19 and 60, to fund operations. For the Lao in the lowlands, this tax was set at 2 piastres (2 txiaj kis) per person per year (payable in cash or kind e.g. domestic animals), along with 20 days of corvee or free labour given to the authorities. For the Khamu, Hmong and other minorities, it was one piaster and 10 days of free labour. In 1896, this tax was increased and payable only in cash. The problem for the Hmong was that Lao local officials/princes also collected their own taxes. In addition, Hmong chiefs who acted as tax collectors for the Lao and French authorities also levied their own tax and corvee labour to get their own money and to have village people doing farm work for them. All these different levels of taxation and corruption greatly inflated the amount of taxes people had to pay each year. Many of the poorer Hmong could not pay, and there are stories of some having to sell or pawn children to richer Hmong to borrow money for their tax obligations. Due to this financial burden, the Hmong had to increase their opium cultivation as the only means to get money to pay for their family needs and their taxes. Even those who previously did not grow opium now had to do it. The impact of this severe official taxation is that the Hmong rose up in rebellion known as RogVwm or “Mad Men’s War” under the leadership of Pachay Vue (Paj Cai Vwj). Aided by Hmong messianic beliefs, the rebellion lasted from 1918 to 1921 – starting first in Vietnam and quickly spreading to all of northern Laos. The French had to bring colonial troops from other parts of Indochina to put it down. Today, Pachay is still celebrated by the Hmong of Laos and Vietnam as a revolutionary hero. In 1947, the first Hmong deputy elected from Xieng Khouang to the Lao National Assembly in Vientiane, Mr Toulia Lyfoung, lobbied against this head tax and it was abolished, thus finally releasing the Hmong and other Lao citizens of this heavy burden. HOW THE POPPY IS GROWN In the traditional Hmong economy, no family would grow only one kind of crop as this would not meet all the family’s needs. Rice grows best in lower altitudes, so rice fields are often located lower down the mountain slope, away from maize and poppy fields. If a family grows all three major crops, then rice, maize and opium would be integrated into the annual farming cycle. Each family would give equal attention to them, although, the labor requirement may differ from one crop to another. Rice and opium has been found to need the same labor intensity (about 220 mandays per hectare), with maize about one two thirds less (80 mandays/hectare). Maize (or corn) and poppy usually share the same field as both are suited for the same soil, altitude and weather conditions, with maize being grown first. All fields are worked by hands as they are often too steep and growers have no machinery to use. The scheduling of labour for each crop depends on the weather and how many workers are available. Maize fields (teb pob kws) are cleared (luaj teb) in January and February, followed by burning (hlawv teb) in March. Maize planting (cog pob kws) takes place in April, and weeding (dob nroj) in May. The first corn cobs are harvested (ntais pob kws) in June-July, and by September all harvesting should be completed. August sees the preparation of the maize fields for poppy growing, starting with hoeing (faus teb yeeb) – turning up every inch of the soil manually with a hoe (hlau) and burying the dry maize stalks and weeds under. Early sowing of the poppy seeds (tseb yeeb) begins in September and should finish by October, a time when the Hmong are also busy harvesting rice. November and December are spent weeding (dob yeeb) the poppy seedlings and young plants, a time when the Hmong also celebrate the New Year. Using a three-bladed small knife (riam yeeb), workers will tap the opium pods (hlais yeeb) and collect their sap (sau yeeb) with a scraping blade (duav yeeb) in January and February. Once collected, the sap (yeeb nyoos) from all the tappings is put together in a small container and allowed to dry. The year’s harvest is then wrapped in bamboo papers to be stored for safe-keeping and sale. The process completes with growers collecting poppy seeds (muab noob yeeb) in March to be used for the following year, and the next cycle of cultivation starts all over once more. D. Feingold, “Opium and Politics in Laos”, in N. S. Adams and A. W. McCoy eds. Laos: War and Revolution (NY: Harper Colophon Books, 1970), p. 329. Although they grow the drug, less than 10% of the Hmong are addicted to opium,. See J. Westermeyer, “Use of Alcohol and Opium by the Meo of Laos”, American Journal of Psychiatry, 1971, 127 (8), p.1021. G. Evans, A Short History of Laos, the Land in Between (Crows Nest: Allen and Unwin, 2002), p. 46. M. Stuart-Fox, A History of Laos (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1997), p. 32
Mekong River - John Wilheim
By Pos L. Moua September 5, 2022
After long months of wandering without knowing how the river will unfold for them, they’re people beneath a moon before the river preparing to settle for the night and to pray to their ancestors for a safe crossing, like a crossing over a bridge into the clouds. They ask in their prayers that the river will be one which the water will open up to the land and let them pass without fear of the unknown dead. Their journey is like a journey towards the sun; often the way towards it is not the way back to the home they long for or remember nor will it be a way to return to the days in which they could sleep quietly before smelling the sacred and delicious first - harvested rice. They know the way they have come will be a way of memories etching deep into their minds and hearts. Before they rest to watch the silence of the river reflected above in the night sky, they would tell tales to quiet their children. They would tell, as if there were no war, the tale of a goddess who journeys to the moon searching for a pond in which her lover was held captive. But the children grow weary, maybe they’re themselves captives, of the long travel and soon fall asleep, before the story ends. But of all these tales they have not forgotten to include those who would shoot them for the silver bars they wear around their waists. Some of them might not be able to hear of the tale about themselves meeting the river: for they do not know if their ancestral spirits will take them across the river through a bridge made by the river.  This poem taken from the chapbook Where the Torches Are Burning, published by Swan Scythe Press. © by Pos L. Moua. For use by permission from author.
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